How Should the United Nations Respond to Its Funding Crisis?
By Felix Dodds and Chris Spence | Originally published here on Inter Press Service
While it may be difficult and painful, the UN
Secretary-General is right to embrace change, believe Prof. Felix Dodds and
Chris Spence
The world needs the UN, now more than ever. But we have also
experienced firsthand how maddeningly inefficient and bureaucratic it can be.
No wonder some critics want to defund it, the authors argue. Credit: United
Nations
SAN FRANCISCO, California / APEX, North Carolina, US, May 16
2025 (IPS) -
The United Nations has been called many things in its time:
- A champion of human rights.
- The world’s peacekeeper and provider of disaster relief.
- A leader on climate change, sustainable development, cutting poverty, and combating disease.
- The world’s single most important organization.
But also:
- Bureaucratic.
- Byzantine.
- Disorganized.
- Duplicative.
- Fragmented.
- Frustrating.
Which is it?
The correct answer is, probably both. In our opinion, the UN
is essential. Its role over the past 80 years has been critical in so many
ways. As we argue in our books, Heroes
of Environmental Diplomacy (2022) and Environmental
Lobbying at the United Nations (2025) the world needs the UN, now
more than ever.
But we have also experienced firsthand how maddeningly
inefficient and bureaucratic it can be. No wonder some critics want to defund
it.
Unlike some previous efforts at UN reform that have petered
out—often because governments and various UN entities could not agree on their
implementation—this time the UN seems to have no choice but to adapt. For the
first time in its history, funding is likely to fall. The years of growth are
clearly over. Budgets will soon need to be cut. Already, funding shortfalls are
starting to bite
One of the problems for the United Nations has been the
expectations surrounding it. With every new global challenge—from
decolonization to climate change—the organization’s mandate has grown.
The United Nations feels both too big and too small. After
ongoing budgetary growth for the best part of 80 years, it is sufficiently big
that many expect it to be able to deal with anything that comes its way. The UN
system as a whole has revenue of more than US$74 billion—bigger than many
countries. However, the UN’s regular (core) budget is relatively small: $3.72
billion for 2025. What’s more, it has generally only gone up by the cost of
inflation for the last thirty years.
Where does the rest of the money go? A lot is dedicated to
helping developing countries with their humanitarian, development, and
environmental work. In addition, there is a peacekeeping budget that pays for
UN peacekeeping forces. This budget is currently $5.6 billion.
Another expense relates to UN programmes focusing on specific
topics, such as development (UNDP), environmental protection (UNEP), or
humanitarian aid (UNHCR).
These programmes are funded through voluntary contributions
from governments, and are managed through the specific UN programme’s dedicated
governing bodies. UN agencies are also technically separate from the “core” UN;
they select their own leaders and have their own governing bodies.
Cuts Are Coming
Together, these many UN entities undertake a lot of
activities. They also cost a lot. Now, however, many governments are reducing
their aid budgets and several, including the US, are making wholesale cuts to
their UN funding. This means change is coming whether the organization likes it
or not.
Unlike some previous efforts at UN reform that have petered
out—often because governments and various UN entities could not agree on their
implementation—this time the UN seems to have no choice but to adapt. For the
first time in its history, funding is likely to fall. The years of growth are
clearly over. Budgets will soon need to be cut. Already, funding shortfalls are
starting to bite.
UN member states (that is, governments) are assessed for
annual UN “contributions” based on a formula that considers their national
income and various other factors. But what if governments don’t pay what they
owe?
By April 30, 2025, unpaid “assessments” (money owed to the UN
by individual countries) stood at US$2.4 billion, with the US owing $1.5
billion, China around $600 million, and Russia more than $70 million. On top of
that, the peacekeeping budget was $2.7 billion in arrears. In 2024, 41
countries did not pay their mandated contributions.
In March 2025, UN Secretary-General António Guterres launched
“UN80”, a review that seeks to make sure the institution continues to be
fit-for-purpose as it looks towards a financially-straightened future. So far,
everything seems to be on the table: his review is examining operational
efficiency, how the organization’s key tasks or missions are implemented, and
major structural reforms.
The Secretary-General has acknowledged criticism about major
overlaps between UN agencies and programmes, as well as inefficiencies,
spiraling costs, fragmentation, outdated working methods, and the rapid growth
in high-level managerial and executive jobs within the system.
He is
considering major changes, such as merging multiple departments, agencies and
groups into a much smaller number that would each cover a major area
like Peace and Security, Humanitarian Affairs, Human Rights, and Sustainable
Development.
Currently, many entities have overlapping responsibilities in
each of these areas and there are literally dozens of different groups active
in each one.
Such mergers seem sensible and long overdue. Internally, it
will likely cause a lot of anguish and stress among staff, since it will
certainly result in layoffs. This must be undertaken with a pro-staff approach;
many who work for the UN have devoted their lives to the organization,
and any
staff changes should try to respect their service.
Sadly, the cuts in funding mean a certain level of job losses
are inevitable. That said, we believe it is far better for the UN to take on
the challenge intentionally and with the clear goal of improving the
organization’s efficiency and impact, than for it to adopt a “defensive”
posture and resist change while funding falls anyway.
Are there ways some cuts could be offset by finding
additional ways to fund the UN and its various activities? While these are
unlikely in the short term, it is worth actively considering what new income
streams might be possible and how they could play a role in funding new or
existing mandates. In future, any new activity or mandate being considered by
the UN should certainly include a clearly-funded budget.
A Sustainable United Nations?
A major lens we would like to see applied to any reform is
judging the UN’s activities by its areas of comparative advantage. What are
activities the UN does better than anyone else? Conversely, in what areas does
the UN underperform, or even duplicate, others? Are there areas the UN adds so
little value that it should exit altogether? UN leadership will need to be
clear-eyed about the realities of this as they look at the changes needed.
One area in which we believe the UN excels is in coordinating
international action on topics that go beyond national boundaries. This
includes sustainable development and major environmental crises like climate
change, pollution, and biodiversity loss. As we argue in our books and previous
articles, the UN’s convening power has made a huge difference in trying to
tackle these complex, global challenges.
Even here, however, improvements can be made. For instance,
might it be possible to consolidate the many UN entities dealing with issues of
sustainable development and the environment? Currently, there are several
dozen, including DESA, FAO, IFAD, UNDRR, UNDP, UNESCO, UN-Habitat, UNIDO, and
many others.
At this point, it may be easier for the UN Secretary-General
to start by reforming the UN secretariats and programmes rather than the UN
“agencies” (such as FAO, ILO, UNESCO, and WHO). This is because UN agencies
often have wider mandates, more complex structures, greater autonomy, and
longstanding support from vested interests. So, it may be more practical to
start with parts of the system that can be easier to change and rationalize.
In addition to potential consolidation, are there savings to
be had by shifting to lower cost centers? This could include building up UN
headquarters in places like Nairobi, where UNEP and UN-Habitat are located, and
which is more affordable than, say, Geneva or New York.
Shifting programmatic work to the UN regional commission
headquarters in places like Chile, Ethiopia, and Thailand may also save money.
In Europe, it may be worth considering whether there are less expensive options
than Geneva or Paris (both in the top ten cities globally for costs), compared
with, say, Bonn, where the UN’s climate secretariat, the UN Convention to
Combat Desertification and some smaller UN bodies such as UN Volunteers, are
located.
Even within specific areas like the UN’s climate change work,
there are multiple mandates, overlaps, and ongoing questions. Should the UN’s
climate secretariat in Bonn be brought under the umbrella of the UN Environment
Programme, for instance?
The UNFCCC has a policy-making mandate, but can the scope and
scale of the UN negotiations on climate change be pared back, especially now we
are supposed to be largely finished with negotiations and focused on
implementation?
For instance, could we change how the annual UN climate
summits (also known as “COPs”) are organized, so that the “Blue Zone”, which is
the UN-controlled area set aside for diplomatic negotiations, incorporates the
Action Agenda of Implementation, a voluntary initiative launched in 2021 that
includes a broader group of stakeholders. This might be more inclusive, and
could help us move away from the technical, government-to-government
negotiations that we are supposed to have largely concluded by now.
The UN climate treaty (UNFCCC) is also the only so-called
“Rio” treaty (the others deal with biodiversity and desertification) not under
UNEP’s purview. Bringing the UNFCCC under UNEP would enable better coordination
between the Rio Conventions and move towards the clustering of environmental
conventions. This was actually proposed as far back as the 2002 World Summit on
Sustainable Development.
UNEP has prior experience in working to better coordinate
among different environmental treaties: it oversaw the clustering of the
various chemical-related conventions and the beginning of the clustering of the
biodiversity-related treaties, too. If UNEP was empowered to coordinate the
chemicals, biodiversity and climate conventions, it could save funds and ensure
better and more effective delivery.
Elsewhere, what about merging UNAIDS (the UN program on
HIV/AIDS) within a large body, like the World Health Organization or UN
Development Programme? A fit with the WHO seems particularly logical to us.
Should UN Women and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) also join together? Again,
this may bring internal difficulties, but in times of financial duress it seems
worthy of consideration.
The idea of better coordination between UNEP and UN-Habitat
on sustainable urban development also seems rational. Could this be taken a
step further into a merger? UN-Habitat was once part of UNDP, but nowadays it
focuses a lot on sustainable development at the local level. This is an
important task, but can it have the impact it needs as a smallish, standalone
programme, or would it be better off inside a bigger entity?
Making the SDGs Sustainable
Although this review doesn’t seem to be focused on the bodies
that govern UN entities, we would like to see a review in this area. Perhaps
the new UN Secretary-General, who is due to be named in 2026 and start work in
2027, could look at these bodies as a part of a high-level panel? Such an
outcome could be part of the review of the Sustainable Development Agenda,
which is slated to start in 2027 in the lead-up to the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDG) Summit in 2030.
There are also questions to be asked about whether the UN
High-Level Political Forum is fit for purpose? As the UN’s chief platform for
monitoring and assessing implementation of the SDGs, the HLPF seems to have
lost political support over the past few years.
In part, this is because its policymaking is predominantly
done before the “main event” in July, meaning stakeholders have great
difficulty attending and engaging with government delegates while the detailed
work is being done.
Before the HLPF was established in 2013, the previous UN body
responsible for sustainable development was the UN Commission on Sustainable
Development (CSD). Its preparatory policymaking occurred over two weeks every
February or March, before it met again in April, May, or June to finalize
policy. It had an approach of reviewing the implementation and the policy year,
centered on developing recommendations and strategies to overcome challenges.
Perhaps this model might be a better one? Or perhaps a
Council of the UN General Assembly similar to the Human Rights Council should
be considered? This may be too “in the weeds” for the Secretary-General’s UN80
review to take on, but the process of reviewing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable
Development in the coming years should certainly look at these two options.
In the meantime, we hope the UN Secretary-General will use
this moment of financial duress as an opportunity to revitalize the
organization, take the hard decisions needed, and leave the UN leaner, more
effective, and more fit-for-purpose when he departs in late 2026 than when he
took on the role back in 2017. In this increasingly complex and insecure world,
a leaner, more focused and politically-supported UN can and should take a
leading role not only in addressing key challenges in the years ahead, but in
pursuing its long-term vision of a more sustainable, just and fair world for
all.
Prof. Felix Dodds and Chris Spence have
participated in UN negotiations on the environment and sustainable development
since the 1990s. They co-edited Heroes
of Environmental Diplomacy: Profiles in Courage (Routledge,
2022). Their next book, Environmental
Lobbying at the United Nations: A Guide to Protecting Our Planet, is
scheduled for release in June 2025.
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